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Whether you are requested the download voyage or not, if you are your different and written items not numbers will be Social links that have here for them. Indeed, the tribe has probably received more loyalty than any sense of Kurdish nationalism. In all of the Kurdish revolts of the 20th century, for example, significant numbers of Kurds have supported the government because of their tribal antipathies for those rebelling.
Historical Dictionary of the Kurds
In Iraq, these progovernment Kurds have been derisively referred to as josh little donkeys , while in recent years the Turkish government created a progovernment militia of Kurds called village guards. Similarly, the aghas feudal landlords or tribal chieftains and sheikhs religious leaders continue to command allegiances inconsistent with the full development of a modern sense of nationalism. Economy Although many Kurds were historically nomadic, very few continue to practice such a lifestyle today. Many Kurds now farm and raise live- stock. Com, barley, rice, cotton, and sugar beets are valuable crops.
In addition, the best tobacco in Turkey and Iraq is grown in Kurdistan. An- imal husbandry goats, sheep, cows, and buffaloes has been and still is a mainstay. Because of recent wars, many Kurds also now live in urban areas.
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Blessed with large reserves of water in the Turkish and Iraqi parts and oil in the Iraqi section , Kurdistan has great economic and geo- strategic importance. The Turkish, Iranian, and Syrian portions of Kurdistan still lag greatly be- hind economically. The Kurds themselves claim to be the descendants of the Medes, who helped overthrow the Assyrian Empire in b. Many be- lieve that the Kardouchoi, mentioned in his Anabasis by Xenophon as having given his 10, a mauling as they retreated from Persia in b.
In the seventh century c. Early in the 16th century, most of the Kurds loosely fell under Ot- toman Turkish rule, while the remainder were placed under the Per- sians. In , Sharaf Khan Bitlisi completed the Sharafnama, a very erudite history of the ruling families of the Kurdish emirates. Ahmad-i Khani wrote Mem u Zin, the Kurdish national epic, during the follow- ing century and is seen by some as an early advocate of Kurdish na- tionalism. Badr Khan Beg, the ruler of the last semi-independent Kur- dish emirate of Botan, surrendered to the Ottomans in During World War I, one of U.
The subsequent and definitive Treaty of Lau- sanne in July recognized the modem Republic of Turkey with no special provisions for the Turkish Kurds. After some initial successes. Sheikh Said was crushed and hanged. In , Khoy- bun Independence , a transnational Kurdish party that had been founded that year in Lebanon, helped to launch another major uprising under General Ihsan Nuri Pasha in the Ararat area that also was com- pletely crushed, this time with Iranian cooperation.
Finally, the Dersim now called Tunceli rebellion from to the end of , led by Sheikh Sayyid Riza until his death in , also ended in a total Kur- dish defeat. Although many Kurdish tribes either supported the Turkish govern- ment or were at least neutral in these rebellions, the Turkish authorities decided to eliminate anything that might suggest a separate Kurdish na- tion.
A broad battery of social and constitutional devices was employed to achieve this goal.
In some cases what can only be termed pseudothe- oretical justifications were offered to defend what was being done. Isolated in the moun- tain fastnesses of eastern Anatolia, the Kurds had simply forgotten their mother tongue. Everything that recalled a separate Kurdish identity was to be abolished, including language, clothing, and names. The present constitution from contains a number of specific provisions that seek to limit even speaking or writing in Kurdish.
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Although restrictions on the usage of the Kurdish language were eased following the Gulf War in , Article 8 of a new Anti-Terror- ism law that entered into force in April made it possible to con- sider academics, intellectuals, and journalists speaking up peacefully for Kurdish rights to be engaging in terrorist acts. The government has ruthlessly suppressed these demands for fear they would lead to the breakup of the state itself. In August , the PKK officially launched its insur- gency that by the beginning of had resulted in more than 37, deaths, the partial or complete destruction of as many as 3, villages, and the internal displacement of some 3 million people.
For a short period in the early s, Ocalan actually seemed close to achieving a certain degree of military success. The final blow came when Turkey threatened to go to war against Syria in October unless Damascus expelled Ocalan from his longtime sanctuary in that country. Ocalan fled to Italy, but U.
Ocalan was finally cap- tured in Kenya on 16 February , flown back to Turkey for a sensa- tional trial, and sentenced to death for treason. Instead of making a hard-line appeal for renewed struggle during his trial, Ocalan issued a remarkable statement that called for the imple- mentation of true democracy to solve the Kurdish problem within the existing borders of a unitary Turkey.
To demonstrate his sincerity, he also ordered his guerrillas to evacuate Turkey. At the same time, Harold Hongju Koh, the U. As of March , however, little further progress on the Kurdish is- sue seems to have occurred. There are three major rea- sons for this rebellious situation. First, in Iraq the Kurds long constituted a greater proportion of the population than they did in any other state they inhabited.
Despite their smaller absolute numbers compared to Kurds in Turkey and Iran, they represented a larger critical mass in Iraq, a situation that enabled them to play a more important role there than they did in Turkey and Iran. Thus discontent and rebellion came easier for the Iraqi Kurds. For its part, the Iraqi government has always feared the possibility of Kurdish separatism.
Kurdish secession would not only deplete the Iraqi population, but it would also set a precedent that the Shiites, some 55 percent of the population, might follow and would thus threaten the very future of the Iraqi state. In addition, since for many years approx- imately two-thirds of the oil production and reserves as well as much of the fertile land were located in the Kurdish area, the government be- lieved that Kurdish secession would strike at the economic heart of the state.
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